The centre-left rejoices for France, but the confrontation between the left and the liberals reignites

A model that cannot be replicated in Italy. After the success of the New Popular Front in France, the opposition in Italy is combing the vote across the Alps to find signals that encourage the construction of an alternative to the Meloni government. And, as often happens in these cases, each reading is influenced by the desires of one or the other political force.

Thus, for the leader of the M5s Giuseppe Conte, the line of those who “never had doubts about peace, the defense of social rights and the protection of the most vulnerable” was rewarded, while for the secretary of the PD, Elly Schlein, the unity of the entire left, the mantra of the Democratic leader, demonstrated “that the right can be beaten”. Matteo Renzi, leader of Italia Viva, attributes a “decisive” role to the reformist center as well as “a week ago in Great Britain” and so does Carlo Calenda, secretary of Azione, for whom “Macron’s stability is positive” even if “now it will be complicated to form a government”.

Nicola Fratoianni, secretary of Sinistra Italiana and Avs deputy, defends the left from those, in Italy as in France, who define Melenchon’s contribution to the victory as marginal: “I read commentators in France and Italy ready to consider the left irrelevant, which they continue to define with ill-concealed annoyance as ‘radical’. They should know that by doing so they only risk postponing the victory of the extreme right”.

“It is not replicable”

Regardless of the declinations of the French result, the Italian progressive front is well aware that, beyond the “good news” that arrived on Sunday, little or nothing can be replicated in the Italian panorama. “The French and Italian systems are too different, from an institutional and electoral point of view, to be able to derive a model for the second from the first”, says the exponent of the secretariat of the Democratic Party, Alessandro Alfieri, questioned by AGI. Not only that: “In France there is a post-fascist right that has never been cleared from a political institutional point of view. In our country, however, it was cleared years ago by Berlusconi. There, therefore, the ‘sanitary cordon’ to stop Le Pen is still in operation”.

The Italian road to victory over the right remains therefore the one that passes “through the construction of a credible coalition on reforms, on the defense of public health, on work, on the level of salaries. This is “the political space within which to build the battle against the right”, underlines the dem. Points on which the opposition forces in Italy are already ahead with the work, as demonstrated by the photograph of the Cassation, where almost all the alternative parties to the right (Azione was missing) have presented together the referendum question for the repeal of the law on differentiated autonomy.

 

“I would say that we are more advanced than a desistance pact. There is no need to chase”, claims the deputy group leader of Avs, Marco Grimaldi. However, there remain distances that are not easy to bridge, such as foreign policy issues, starting with Ukraine. Issues that see, for example, the Five Stars and forces such as Italia Viva and Azione at opposite ends of the spectrum. “It is the policies of the government that will determine the definitive defeat of the Rassemblement National”, observes the M5s group leader in the Chamber Francesco Silvestri who also sends a signal to potential allies: “These responses do not contemplate, in my opinion, a moderate government program that includes Republicans, Socialists and the center. If that is the case, Le Pen’s victory is only postponed”.

 

It is no coincidence, on the other hand, that Giuseppe Conte cited “peace” among the values ​​of the victorious left in France. And it is no coincidence that a Democratic exponent like Lorenzo Guerini underlined, in the last direction, that “for a coalition to be credible it must have a minimum common denominator on essential issues” such as “international politics, a discriminating issue that will increasingly enter into national political dynamics”. But not only that.

Starmer reawakens reformist pride in the Democratic Party

In the Democratic Party, Keir Starmer’s victory in Great Britain and Macron’s holding in France have reawakened a certain ‘reformist pride’ that emerges, for example, from the post with which Paolo Gentiloni greeted Labour’s victory: “Keir Starmer’s reformist leadership has brought the British left back to government after a long phase of minority radicalism”. Words to which Andrea Orlando indirectly responded in the national leadership of the PD: “We should avoid a very provincial discussion that risks turning Starmer into Calenda today and Melenchon into Conte next week. I would avoid it in the analysis”.

 

On the other hand, they explain from the Democratic left, if it is true that Starmer kicked Jeremy Corbyn out of the party, it is also true that his is a program with strong socialist overtones. But even a big name from the reformist wing of the PD, like Lorenzo Guerini, invites us to “avoid ‘Italianizing’ those results, dwelling on caricatures between reformists and the left or in readings that concern emergency choices like in France, which we certainly watch carefully but which we cannot take as an example for Italy. For the same reason, from the left, the reading of those in the PD who see Macron as the architect of the victory of the New Popular Front is rejected. “I’m missing something. If Melenchon is a monster (according to Lib observers equivalent to Le Pen) and Macron made a brilliant move. Macron wanted to give centrality to Melenchon? Logically something doesn’t add up”, observes Orlando.

By Editor

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