Weak economy and high corruption, the burden that led to the defeat of Víktor Orbán in Hungary

Since coming to government in 2010, Orbán invented a formula to tie himself to power: strong nationalist quotas to win the election; destroying rivals using state structures; dismantling of independent institutions and harassment of the press. That is what has turned the Hungarian into the global paterfamilia of the extreme right.

The outline of this strategy had the invaluable help of the ruling party Fidesz, whose control of Parliament allowed it to alter the electoral system in its favor, place docile men at the head of state agencies and companies, ensure clientelism and guarantee big business for friends.

But after four terms dictating the rules, Orbán has now failed to convince Hungarians that they will be better off with him in command. His strategy of presenting Hungary as harassed by enemies (the European bureaucracy, international elites, migrants, the woke, Ukraine, liberals and a long etcetera) began to tire.

A lot has had to do with this fatigue, according to opinion studies throughout the hectic electoral campaign, the strong degree of vulnerability with which Orbán has left the country after 16 years in office. The numbers add up on this, categorically. Growth stagnated and Hungary has indicators that place it behind nearby countries such as Slovakia, the Czech Republic and Poland, according to data from the EU and the World Bank.

For example, the economy barely grew 0.4% in 2025, a meager figure compared to 3.6% in Poland and 2.6% in the Czech Republic. Hungary is the country most dependent on Russian gas, which is why it was one of the most exposed to the 2022 crisis when Moscow invaded Ukraine. Budapest then had the highest inflation in the European bloc. Food prices rose 40% and inflation was 22%.

The effect was a drop in real incomethe collapse of consumption and the sharpest economic slowdown of the Orbán era. To mitigate it, the Central Bank established an interest rate of 6.25%, four points higher than that of the European Central Bank, which stopped investments and suffocated companies. In Hungary, the euro does not circulate, but the florin does.

Hungarians also felt the effect of the decline in the healthcare system: According to the World Bank, the country invests 6.3% of GDP in health, against 8.06% in Poland, 8.5% in the Czech Republic and 7.4% in Slovakia.

So, looking at the strength of neighboring countries and comparing it with their hardships, many Hungarians seem to have noticed with their vote the opinion of Transparency International that places Hungary as thethe most corrupt nation in the European bloc.

According to the Corruption Research Center in Budapest, in 2025 75% of government contracts went to companies associated with Orbán’s friends, almost double that of 2022. Istvan Tiborcz, the premier’s son-in-law, and Lorinc Meszaros, a childhood friend and the richest man in Hungaryare among the beneficiaries.

This whole situation also has an impact on Budapest’s vital relationship with the large community funds distributed by the much-criticized Brussels. As its auditors distrust that the law and the independence of the control agencies are respected in Hungary, since 2022 the EU froze almost US$20 billion that it had to send as post-Covid aid. For a state like Hungary, it is not a joke: represents 11% of its GDP.

For years, European conservatives, led by Angela Merkel, saved Orbán’s neck several times. They required their votes in the European Parliament against the left-wing bloc. They don’t need it anymore. The German Manfred Weber, its president, was descriptive a few days ago: “We are fed up with Orban,” he said. According to this Sunday’s vote, Hungarian voters were in complete agreement.