Tomislav Karamarko, is that you?
“In the parliamentary and EU elections, the Croats clearly said no to de-Demanization. Either us or them, or HDZ or Croatia, or a black man or a HDZ member, all of these are just derivations of the de-Demanization policy. Unlike those and such , we respect the historical truth, the symbols of the Croatian state and the crucial, turning point role of Dr. Tuđman!”.
No, that’s what HDZ president Andrej Plenkovi said after all.
At the celebration on the occasion of the 35th anniversary of the founding of HDZ Plenković, for which Zoran Milanović once said that he “had the worst possible opinion of Franjo Tudstrokman”, he warned against the “strong efforts” of numerous actors in Croatian society who tried to minimize Tudstrokman’s work or cast a negative light on the 1990s, which in They are “resolutely opposed” to the HDZ.
And so, the Plenksć became a Tuđmanist. The bearer of the movement of resistance to dehumanization.
Which, let’s not forget, was initiated by Ivo Sanader when he took the chair of HDZ, publicly apologizing to Croatian citizens for the negative consequences of Tudstrokman’s rule and HDZ policy in the 1990s.
Saved by HDZ
Such Sanader’s policy enabled the HDZ to have two mandates in power, cooperation with national minorities, moving towards the center, opening up to European institutions, cooperation with the Hague Court, negotiations with the EU and entry into the NATO alliance.
That Tomislav Karamarko would try to undo all that, to return to Tuđman’s nationalist, sovereignist, isolationist, autocratic, illiberal, corrupt positions.
Č to Plenkć the set hit its mark.
Which is unusual, considering the fact that it was he who built his political status and the status of his HDZ on the results of de-Demanization. On the opening towards Europe and the international community, the adoption of the principles of liberal democracy, on the freedoms of minorities, freedom of media and speech, no matter how much Plenković later choked.
Right on the leash
Moreover, the Plenksć acted as prime minister in his third term and the leader of the coalition with the black right, which Tudstrokman, as Tito’s general, kept on a leash and used only when he needed it politically.
The president of the HDZ approaches the retouching of history and the revision of the political legacy of Franjo Tuman. Because this de-Tumanization, which he opposes so much, is also based on the Hague verdicts against the Croats from Bosnia and Herzegovina, on the policy of the Tumans towards Bosnia and Herzegovina, on his agreements with Slobodan Milošević on the division of Bosnia and Herzegovina, about which he recently spoke publicly and Milan Kučan…
Detuđmanization is based on hundreds of Tuđman transcripts that Stipe Mesić excavated from the archives at Pantovčak, from which the character of Tuđman’s government, his foreign associates and subjects was visible.
Apology and trial
De-Germanization brought cooperation with the Hague Court, the prosecution of Croatian war crimes, and the cleansing of the legacy of the Homeland War from crimes and criminal charges, as affirmed by anti-fascism, liberal democracy, and minority rights.
De-Germanization brought an apology for criminal and tycoon transformation and privatization, the consequences of which Croatia still feels today, as well as for the rise of organized crime and corruption. Almost like today.
Interestingly, Plenković brags that he defeated the holders of de-Tumanization in the parliamentary elections, as if Zoran Milanovi, the biggest admirer of Franjo Tudstrokman, protector of his image and works, but also a follower of his politics, did not participate in those elections, ideologies and political practices.
Why now the Plenksć They wanted to declare Milanovic the bearer of de-Tumanization, when he was the first SDP member who, in an official role, as a party spokesman, laid a wreath on the grave of Franjo Tudstrokman in 2006. And later he didn’t utter a single bad wordč about Franjo Tuđman, defending him even publicly and in front of his HDZ members.
Nappiesć now he wants to be a bigger Tudstrokmanist than Milanovic, who recently stated that “Tudstrokman was a hundred times more democrat than Plenkovi”.
And Shaks?
Why did Plenkovi, like his predecessor Karamarko, attack the bearers of de-Tumanization, glorified Tuman, and even the events of the dark nineties, which were witnessed by even his shadow advisor , Mate Granić, on whom protest leaflets fell in 1996 when, as Minister of Foreign Affairs, he signed Croatia’s accession to the Council of Europe?
Is getting closer to Franjo Tu&dstrokman consistent with the newly formed coalition with the Homeland Movement and the creation of the most right-wing government in history?
And Vladimir Šeks, Tuđman’s dissident and the person who stood behind the Deutđmanization, said that Franjo Tuđman was “an exceptional man, visionary, strategist, scientist who knew how to recognize the signs of the times in such geopolitical circumstances”.
Unusual for a person who experienced Tudstrokman’s nineties first hand.
The biggest HDZ member
This haphazard re-Tumanization should enable Plenkovic to release Tuman from Milanovic’s embrace, no matter how unconvincing and inauthentic he turns out to be. With it, he tries to homogenize the party’s base and strengthen his position at the head of the party, preventing the right-wing attack. Because HDZ’s right-wingers adore Tito’s partisans and JNA generals.
De-Tumanization gave HDZ wings after the first SDP government, just as Karamark’s re-Tumanization threw it into chaos, into pacts with right-wing spiders and into a coalition with Most.
Plenki’s alibi
Now Plenkovi, like Karamarko, is speaking out against Deutschmanization, although he is parasitizing on its achievements, which enable him to make alliances to the left of the HDZ, to pose in front of European partners, to enjoy the consequences of Croatia’s opening to the West…
But at the same time, it opens up space for the achievements of Tumanism, such as corruption, tycoonization, flirting with the Ustasha, suppression of the media, subjugation of institutions, enslavement of the judiciary…
Is Plenkovi’s reference to Franjo Tudstrokman and dealing with de-Tudstrokmanization just a part of a foreign ritual or a prepared alibi for Plenkovi’s model of governance?