Colombiaa country mired in the worst wave of violence in the last decade, like many other nations in the region, will have to define on June 21 whether it is going to prolong the era of the left or turn towards the more conservative right after a tight first round of the presidential elections. With 99% of the votes counted, the millionaire Abelardo de la Espriella He achieved 43.7% and beat the official senator Ivan Cepeda (40,9%).
De la Espriella, an eccentric lawyer and admirer of Donald Trump, is emerging as the favorite with his tough-on-crime proposal, megaprisons, among other radical measures. Meanwhile, Cepeda proposes continuing the policies of President Gustavo Petro and is committed to the “excluded.” In dialogue with El Comercio, Néstor Julián Restrepo Echavarría, Colombian political analyst and professor at EAFIT University, analyzes the keys to an election marked by polarization, the rise of anti-Petrism and the reconfiguration of the Colombian right.
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What reading do you make of Colombia having reached such a polarized runoff between Abelardo de la Espriella and Iván Cepeda?
The polls were showing it from the beginning, although they were wrong about who was first and who was second. In Colombia, two very clear visions of populism were generated. On the one hand, a classic Latin American populism, traditional, corporatist and partisan, based on a party and mass logic, which is that of Iván Cepeda with his Historical Pact. This is a very organized left, something that was not defined before in Colombia.
On the other hand, there is a disruptive populism, which Mario Riorda calls “brutalist populism.” It is a strong and radical speech, a mix of Trumpism, Bolsonarism and (Javier) Milei, loaded with hyper personalism and new technologies. These two visions have left aside the center and Uribism itself. Today we could talk about the retirement of Álvaro Uribe, who ceded his political power to De la Espriella almost immediately, strengthening a radicalized and anti-Petrist right.
What does the low vote of Uribismo, in this case of Paloma Valencia, reveal about the current state of the traditional right in Colombia?
The right mutates, changes and stops being institutional to become an extreme right, adhering to a mixed world narrative. The right we had was institutional, based on the rules of the game. Something very clear is that the institutional right is the one who has political power in Congress, with more than 13 senators, and therefore makes decisions. De la Espriella barely has four senators; If he governed alone, he would have to do so through decrees in a very institutional country. Meanwhile, the left is now institutional because it has the majority in Congress to make decisions.
Is De la Espriella the reflection of an ideological vote or a vote of rejection of the Petro government?
I would dare say that there is an ideological vote, especially from far-right Christian and Catholic groups that became radicalized. But there is also a large majority of clearly anti-Petrist votes and fear of the left. In Colombia there is this fear because the left was up in arms, and the current democratic left cannot reassure that voter. They prefer to go to the other side with someone who once again offers them the logic of armed struggle in a country where the conflict has already changed and looks more like an urban Latin American problem than a war alone. He is a mix of radical voter (anti-feminist, anti-abortion) with fear of Petro.
/ RODRIGO BUENDIA
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Could it be said then that there was a weight of citizen security and public order in this conservative candidate, in what seems to be a moment of this trend in the region?
Yes, it could be. But it is paradoxical: Colombians are afraid of the left and war, but they are increasingly going out for walks and are buying more Teslas than ever, despite the fear of expropriation. It’s more of a narrative fear. The Colombian is a voter who is afraid of what is different. It is not a logic of real war as in 2002 or in 1990 against Pablo Escobar; It is a fear of something. It is an urban conflict. Colombia increasingly looks like a Latin American country with regional problems. It is not war alone. Furthermore, the “Venezuelanization” narrative is still present throughout the region and continues to win governments through fear, even though it did not happen in countries like Mexico or Brazil.
What groups of voters will be decisive in defining the June 21 runoff?
The first has already moved: the moderate right of Paloma Valencia (1,700,000 votes) has already gone with De la Espriella because they would never be with Cepeda. Now there is the center vote of Sergio Fajardo (one million votes) and Claudia López. They are in a serious discussion because they don’t like either of them, but the center as a political option disappeared in Colombia. If the center decides to take a stand, I think it would add more to Cepeda, although I don’t see it clearly. Fajardo could say that he will vote blank or “he will go whale watching.”
So, De la Espriella, for now, has the advantage…
With the support of Paloma Valencia, De la Espriella enters the runoff with an advantage of almost 2 million votes. Now, participation rose to 57% (24 million votes) and could reach 60%. While the big cities are very centralized with De la Espriella, there is a periphery (Guajira, Chocó, Amazonía) that did not vote before and is now mobilizing for the Petrist vote. The regional “electoral bosses” will go with De la Espriella due to his negotiating skills, while Cepeda must captivate the center that distrusts the left.
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