The Super RIGI pays the Adorni cost

All weak governments are victims of this dilemma. They value governance more than the program. It is the rogue charm of the power game, because if you do not have governability you cannot fulfill your program, and without a program you lose governability.

To do politics is to overwater that murky anchorage where ships that will remain at the dock forever are going to dock (Cadícamo, Niebla del riachuelo, tango).

Javier Milei’s whim of supporting Manuel Adorni was no longer a grace that served to harass the opposition. It comes back on him like a boomerang and began to damage a management that is already on the decline.

On Wednesday in Deputies, the super RIGI project, another initiative in which the government said it had a lot of confidence, received approval by just 130 votes. One more than the quorum to meet.

With that number, the super RIGI is born with diminished political support. Those 130 votes measure how much future the government can offer. Even more so if the executive wants investors to perceive that it dominates the legislative agenda and that it subdues the opposition without the risk of a next government reviewing its validity.

It aggravates the weakness that the super RIGI was created to support new technologies that the country does not have and the results will be seen in the medium and long term. In other words, it is a more symbolic than operational project.. He needed the support of those who ideologically share that trust in the symbolic and cultural and in a sustainable future.

Raúl Alfonsín advised his legislators and officials to take measures and projects that could resist the changes of future governments. Working in the short term, and more so on important issues, is a sign of weakness and a useless expense.

The government achieved a RIGI in 24 hours by a minimal difference and also lost the approval of the Inviolability of private property. Until now the Adorni case had served to amalgamate the pro-government arch.

He had managed to get the PRO bloc to line up in defense of the chief of staff in Deputies. But now it has already torn apart relations with the PRO and allies and has produced divisions between them. The troops themselves were resentful of the shouting matches that Patricia had with the milleistas who acted with the slogan of defending Adorni tooth and nail.but who remain silent when asked why they do it.

On Wednesday, during the session, Cristian Ritondo justified the pro-Adorni position in that “We cannot stick to the Ks.” From the leadership of the PRO itself they warned him that there are many ways not to appear close to Christianity. Esteban Bullrich’s resignation from PRO membership divided waters – De Andreis vs. Lospennato. He also put pressure on the “normals” of the ruling party who dominate the two chambers.

Milei has tokenized Adorni, he has turned him into a tradable piece that he uses to negotiate agreements, which protected the chief of staff from summary execution in the Senate and Deputies. It has also served to make his allies cling, terrified that the ruling party will divide, present two heads and two different programs in 2027 and facilitate a victory for Peronism.

The ruling alliance scored 41 points against 34 in the legislative elections in 2025. Keeping the chief of staff on the grid has also allowed him to control time. He hopes to use Adorni’s dismissal as a gesture of reconciliation with the right-thinking bourgeoisie that calls for centrism and moderation.

It is the majority that decides the results and that made him president. In short, Adorni neither has any functions nor is he the head of the cabinet, and he only exists because he is in everyone’s sights.

Illustrates that story of the executioner famous for the speed and subtlety of his technique—he brandished the saber with a movement so fast, clean and perfect that the executed person did not even feel the touch of the steel on his neck. The victim asked: “—Don’t make me suffer, execute me quickly.” The executioner responded: “—Can you bow your head?”

Macri tightens the rope, but when it is about to break, he retreats and accepts Milei’s plans. He tries to preserve Adorni so as not to feed the frontal opposition of Peronism.

Macri’s position is not new. He has previously recognized his limitation in confronting and winning the fight against Christian Peronism.

It was the reason for his departure in 2019 from the anti-Christian front that was born from Córdoba with Schiaretti, Pichetto, Lavagna, Urtubey and Massa. He said that, if he joined that alternative, he would end up as a junior in a Schiaretti-Cristina runoff in 2019. He left that league and that triggered Massa’s return to the Cristinista fold.

When he took stock of the reasons for his collapse as president, he listed 4 causes: the drought of 2018, the flight to quality of funds from emerging countries at the rate of Donald Trump’s first term, the effects of the Cuadernos cause, which scared away investors in the PPP programs, and that Peronism was captive of Cristina and that it was impossible to do anything with that opposition.

The first three factors did not depend on him, he suffered from them like the rest of the political forces. But the fourth was his strict responsibility. His mission was to defeat that Peronism, as he had done in 2015, when he joined the Together for Change coalition.

Esteban Bullrich is the only member of the PRO who had launched a presidential candidacy. The integrity with which he has faced the health condition that made him resign from the national senatorial seat has given him very high prestige.. It is an asset that the PRO wastes due to the ambiguity of its leadership to remain with the government.

It happens just a year before the elections, when the party has to accumulate courage to differentiate itself from La Libertad Avanza and the astracanadas of its president. Bullrich’s resignation accompanied the appearance of Mauricio Macri on Friday in Mar del Plata.

The party summit with leaders from the province of Buenos Aires is important because that district is the sanctuary of the PRO in the interior of Buenos Aires.

In Buenos Aires, furthermore, the PRO-LLA alliance won the elections with a PRO candidate, Diego Santilli, who is already in the race for governor.

In Mar del Plata they have never lost an election and it is for the Macristas what La Matanza represents for Peronism. He asked that not only provincial leaders such as Cristian Ritondo and Soledad Martínez accompany him.

He also wanted to bring emblems such as Gabriela Michetti, Silvia Lospennato and María Eugenia Vidal, whom he signed up to participate in the work tables at “La Normandina”, to seat them at the head of the event along with locals Guillermo Montenegro and Alejandro Rabinovich.

He also planned a mega lunch with mayors and ministers from all over the province, in the exquisite “Viento en popa”, restaurant of the local port. He also planned meetings with allied leaders such as Maxi Abad of the UCR, with whom the PRO co-governs in the city.

“- The president’s order is to defend the chief of staff wherever necessary.” “- Nobody comes here to give orders. “The military gives orders”boomed a voice that the hallways identify with Patricia Bullrich – or a faithful imitator.

The crossing between the head of the bloc and Milei’s envoy exposed the leadership crisis that affects the ruling party. It was in the meeting that followed the failure of the session called to discuss one of the projects that the government wants most. It is the law of Inviolability of Property, whose pearl is the land chapter and its limitation on sales in border areas to foreigners.

The government agreed to modify through 12 drafts to bring it closer to what the friendly opposition accepted. The stormy Adorni sent her to the sidelines until further notice. That same day, the Executive’s delegate in Congress, Ignacio Devitte, had passed through the Senate dining room. They served him a meal with other senators from the La Libertad Avanza bloc and he transmitted a message that was less liked. “- Manuel [Adorni] He will never give up. Javier is prohibited from resigning.”

These crossings occurred hours after Adorni’s meeting with the ruling party’s senators. He served them in three batches that made a hateful class difference.

First the light weights entered (we do not give names so as not to offend). Then, the middleweights, an Ezequiel Atauche, let’s say. In the end, the heavyweights, who lead the bench: Agustín Coto, Bartolo Abdala, Agustín Monteverde and the nepo-baby Benegas Lynch – Joaquín, the band’s guitarist, not the drummer, who is a deputy.

The boss, Patricia Bullrich, was missing. If he had been there, he would have exploded at the libertarian confessions that he had already made 25 rectifications to his sworn declaration of assets.

The height of the tension was when the envoy Devitte – who has been a PRO councilor in Vicente López and whom Patricia treats like a boss – wanted to intervene in a bloc debate. They silenced him with the argument that he was there to talk about the issues that the Executive Branch indicated to him, but that if he continued to get involved in legislative issues they would show him the door. Proof that the block is further than ever from the Olivos antennas.

That same weakness brought down Thursday’s session. The Senate blocks played ball with Adorni’s head – a barbaric custom that anthropology records in primitive peoples. Everyone took advantage of this crisis to take advantage.

The allies that make up the group of “The 44” sat on the benches to establish a quorum. They arrived with an Inviolability project adjusted to their claims. They were willing to ask for 2/3 of the votes to address the questioning of Adorni.

The head of the radical bench Eduardo Vischi justified this position in that there are at least 12 antecedents – and 10 of them supported by Peronism – in which the requests for interpellation began with commission opinions.

The pressure from the UCR National Committee table against Adorni weakened that position, and there could be doubts about whether they would withstand the debate.

The Peronist interbloc, seeing that LLA did not enter the premises, decided not to sit back and also take advantage: 1) it is in their interest that Adorni’s agony lengthens and deepens the wear and tear of the government; 2) if there was no session, the government failed to approve Inviolability.

Patricia, seeing that Peronism did not enter, saw an opportunity to remove the window of speeches against the chief of staff. He may also have thought that it was possible that the opposition to Adorni would reach 2/3 of the votes to execute him without a commission opinion.