Storm in the European destination: a map that marks Israeli and Jewish businesses is distributed online

A controversial digital platform called BarcelonaZ has revisited the web with a new interactive map that identifies and geographically maps Jewish-owned businesses, Israeli companies and multinational corporations with ties to Israel throughout Catalonia, the region with Barcelona as its capital. The project, which previously caused an international uproar and legal complaints, is once again attracting the attention of civil society organizations, legal experts and public representatives, who warn that it may fuel discrimination and anti-Semitism.

The updated map, republished in February 2026, catalogs dozens of entities, from global corporations to small local businesses, under categories ranging from diplomacy and finance to food and tourism. The creators of the map, who remain anonymous and describe themselves as a collective of “researchers, journalists and students”, claim that the purpose of the project is to expose economic ties to Israel and what they call “genocide” in Gaza. On the other hand, the critics claim that the project’s methodology and framing reproduce patterns of collective marking that are historically associated with anti-Semitic practices.

From controversy to relaunch

The original version of the BarcelonaZ map was removed earlier this year from a collaborative mapping platform following widespread condemnations and a formal complaint filed by the Movement Against Intolerance (MCI). That version included over 150 entities and did not distinguish between Jewish-owned businesses, Israeli companies or multinational corporations operating in Israel.

The newly released version is hosted on uMap, an open source mapping platform located in France and based on OpenStreetMap data. While it omits certain institutions that appeared in the past, such as schools, it maintains a broad classification system that groups entities by economic sectors and continues to include small Jewish businesses, some identified solely by the nationality of their owners or the sale of kosher products.

Among the businesses on the list is a kosher grocery store described as “openly Zionist”, a restaurant accused of “appropriating Arab cuisine”, and a local ice cream parlor owned by an Israeli resident in Barcelona. Sources in the region point out that these descriptions blur the line between political criticism and marking on ethnic or religious grounds.

As mentioned, instead of focusing narrowly on specific industries, the map casts a wide net over the economic life in Catalonia. It includes institutions such as the Israeli consulate in Barcelona, ​​which is presented as having a role in the wider geopolitical dynamic. Large energy companies such as Eni and BP are mentioned due to their involvement in exploration projects and supply chains that the authors of the map link to Israel.

The industrial and logistics sectors also occupy a prominent place. Multinational companies such as Siemens, Maersk, Volvo Group and Caterpillar are described as participating in global supply chains or infrastructure projects that the map claims intersect with Israeli economic or military activity. In many cases these relationships are indirect and based on partnerships, transportation roles or technological integration.

The businesses in Catalonia are presented as political enclaves of Israel | Photo: kia_img, shutterstock

Large technology companies also appear along the map: companies including IBM, Amazon and Microsoft are highlighted for providing cloud services, data infrastructures or artificial intelligence capabilities in Israel, including contracts with public institutions.

Financial institutions are another significant part of the database. Spanish banks such as BBVA and Santander are linked by the authors of the map to investments in companies related, sometimes indirectly, to the Israeli defense sector. Insurance companies such as Allianz are similarly included based on investment portfolios that allegedly include Israeli assets or government bonds.

The tourism and real estate sectors are also represented, reflecting the extensive scope of the map. Global platforms such as Airbnb and Booking.com are mentioned for displaying properties in the West Bank, while hotels and real estate companies in Barcelona are marked for Israeli-owned buildings or those that have any ties to Israel.

In all sectors, analysts note that the criteria for inclusion vary widely: from direct commercial activity to more tenuous ties such as shareholder nationality, historical ties or secondary business relationships. This raises concerns about accuracy, proportionality and the intent of advertisers.

Legal escalation and allegations of organized and anti-Semitic activity

The MCI organization has now expanded its legal complaint to the prosecutor for hate crimes in Spain, claiming that the reappearance of the map indicates the ongoing activity of an organized group and not an isolated initiative. According to the president of the MCI, Esteban Ibarra, the repetition of the behavior could reach the threshold of criminal offenses such as illegal association or organized crime under Spanish law.

The organization describes the map as embodying a “triple dimension” of discrimination: anti-Semitism, xenophobia based on national origin, and ideological marking. The organization also warns that the collaborative nature of the platform, which allows users to add new records, increases its potential impact.

Particular concern was expressed regarding the inclusion of small businesses: “Large corporations may have the resources to respond, but small businesses do not,” says Ibarra, emphasizing the risk of harassment, boycotts or social pressure. The fact that the platform is hosted on servers outside of Spain may complicate enforcement, although legal experts note that jurisdiction still applies if the alleged damage occurs within Spanish territory.

The relaunch comes amid increased concern about anti-Semitism in Spain and across Europe. Jewish organizations and monitoring groups have documented an increase in incidents since the escalation of the conflict in the Middle East, fearing that political rhetoric and activist campaigns are increasingly slipping into public hostility.

In a recent interview, Dana Ehrlich, Israel’s Acting Ambassador to Spain, warned that the hostile discourse contributes to a climate in which Jews and Israelis feel insecure about appearing in public: “We are told not to come to events, not to display symbols, not to be visible,” she said, describing a situation that “forces people to hide again.” Ehrlich also criticized what she called a “distorted and biased” portrayal of the conflict in the Middle East in parts of Spanish political discourse, arguing that this could legitimize broader social hostility.

The map marks institutions that have ties to Israelis and are owned by Jews. Barcelona, ​​Spain | Photo: Alessio Catelli, shutterstock

The response of the authorities in Spain, based on the available information, remains limited and is conducted mainly through legal channels and not through public political action. The main development so far is the submission of the official complaint by MCI to the prosecutor for hate crimes in Spain, a complaint that has already been received and is in the process of legal investigation. The movement called on the prosecution to investigate those responsible and act to remove the map, emphasizing its potential for incitement and discrimination. Although the platform is stored on servers in France, the complaint emphasizes that Spanish jurisdiction applies in this case, since the alleged damage is directed towards people and businesses within Spain, which opens the door for legal cooperation at the European level.

So far there has been no clear or prominent response from the Spanish government or law enforcement authorities in the public sphere. The reports do not include statements on behalf of the Ministry of the Interior, the police or senior officials in the prosecutor’s office detailing concrete measures, such as arrests, active investigations or immediate efforts to remove the content. The lack of an overt institutional response leaves the issue, for now, mainly in the hands of civil society organizations and the courts. As a result, while the legal track has already been set in motion, the government’s broad position, and the question of whether more decisive steps will be taken later, remains unclear.

By Editor

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