Through which exclaves migrants hope to come to Europe

But while the whole bundle of possible reasons is still being analyzed, one thing can already be considered certain: the rush on Ceuta, as well as on the other Spanish one Melilla exclave, won’t be the last. Border fences of up to ten meters high, reinforced with barbed wire, in the two exclaves surrounded by Morocco cannot stop waves of migrants if they are large and numerous enough.

There have been repeated mass rushes of migrants to the exclaves, for example in 2005, 2014, 2015, 2016, 2017 and 2019. The refugees tried to overcome the border fences or swim across the Mediterranean, with dozens of deaths repeatedly occurring.

“Punitive measures for Spain”

In 2021, several thousand migrants almost threatened the city of Ceuta with a heart attack when Morocco opened its borders at short notice. It was the “punitive measure” for Spain, which had given medical treatment in Madrid to a politician from Western Sahara (claimed by Morocco). And this time too it was – probably – Morocco’s consciously looking the other way or even opening the gates that at least encouraged the onslaught on Ceuta.

Spain has reinforced the borders of its two exclaves in North Africa, and in emergencies the army and special police are sent in – ultimately the Spanish borders remain vulnerable without Morocco’s cooperation. The leadership in Rabat repeatedly lets its neighbors across the sea feel this by sometimes holding back more migrants, sometimes not at all.

Depending on whether Spain’s policies anger Morocco. This mostly concerns the territory of Western Sahara – which Morocco claims as its own. Any approach by Spain to Western Sahara has so far been punished by Rabat with “punishment by refugees”.

The old conquests

Giving up the two exclaves in North Africa – and thus being less vulnerable to blackmail – is not an option for Madrid: In the 15th century, the Spanish and Portuguese took the cities in the context of the Reconquista – the reconquest of the Iberian Peninsula; Christian armies pushed back Arab and Muslim rulers over the course of several centuries. Ceuta and Melilla served as Christian outposts in North Africa.

Ceuta was conquered by the Portuguese in 1415. With the annexation of Portugal, the Spanish took control of the city in 1580. Even when Portugal regained independence in 1640, Ceuta remained Spanish. Melilla, 225 kilometers further east, was conquered in 1497 by the Crown of Castile – a forerunner of the Kingdom of Spain.

Not part of the Schengen system

Migrants who make it to Ceuta or Melilla still do not have automatic access to the EU. The two Spanish exclaves are not part of the Schengen system. Nobody can go from Ceuta or Melilla to mainland Spain without special identity checks. Even those Moroccans who made it to Ceuta in the past few days will not be able to apply for asylum in Spain.

The French one is also not part of the Schengen system Overseas Territory of Mayotte. The island in the Indian Ocean is geographically part of the Comoros archipelago, northwest of Madagascar. Politically, Mayotte is part of France and therefore the EU. Mayotte is therefore a popular destination for migrants; they mostly come from the neighboring Comoros, but also from continental Africa, Congo, Rwanda and Burundi.

From a French perspective, conditions on the island, which has around 300,000 people, are dirt poor; around a third of the residents live in huts made of corrugated iron and plastic sheeting. But in terms of GDP per capita, Mayotte is still eight times richer than neighboring Comoros and almost 25 times richer than Madagascar – a huge draw for the island. Despite dangerous currents and often fatal journeys, around 25,000 people make it to the island every year. It now suffers from overpopulation, high crime rates, slums, water shortages and radicalization of the local population.

Paris is 8,000 kilometers from Mayotte, and the chances of migrants stranded on Mayotte making it to France are almost zero. Every year France sends thousands of migrants back to their homeland. The birthright that children born in Mayotte automatically become French will be abolished and family reunification will be extremely reduced. Nevertheless, France cannot control the influx of migrants in Mayotte – true to the motto: Geography is the mother of politics – or of many migration routes.